It is commonplace to distinguish Eastern and Western cultures. It is also frequently said that human rights are the product of Western culture. However, Saneh Chamarik, professor of political science in Bangkok, argues "that the growth and development of human rights have their roots in human nature itself."1 Moreover, he suggests that "in the Third World one also finds a situation of human aspiration for freedom and dignity which is inexorable, although—unlike in the West—without the historical background of radical social transformation."2
Economic and social rights were practically unknown to the natural rights thinkers of the 18th century because the notion of rights was born, historically and philosophically, as the ideology of the haves and the affluent, that is, the rising middle class. Thus, the Western brand of liberalism needs to be overhauled, not just because of its original sin of self-aggrandizement in the past and present, but because of the global and interdependent nature of contemporary problems and solutions.3
For Chamarik, democracy is a developmental process closely related to particular cultures and political realities, which will therefore take different forms in Asia than in the West. However, fundamental human aspirations for human dignity are universal, because they are rooted in human nature.
For Francis Loh Kok Wah, social scientist at the University of Malaysia, this means the challenge is:
to return to our various religious and philosophical traditions to emphasize those universal spiritual valuesthat all these traditions share, for example, truth, justice, compassion and peace. By emphasizing these common values, we will, in the same effort, be building bridges among the different communities. This latter task is especially important in view of movements of religious revivalism which until now have largely focused on narrow ritualistic aspects which emphasize our differences and thereby threaten our unity even more. Yet another advantage would be the development of a powerful counter-argument to those leaders who go around denouncing human rights as "western derived" and attacking defenders of human rights as serving "western interests." Freedom, justice, solidarity, we must argue, are neither western or eastern values; they are universal. In fact, they stem from belief in a superior moral force — God. Loyalty to these values transcends loyalty to particular ethnic groups, governments or nations.4
Although universal human rights affirmations may be expressed in indigenous cultural forms, they may as well be grounded in values common to the great religious traditions of the world.
Nagendra Singh sees the end of European colonial rule in Asia as the triumph of human rights. Singh asserts that in "one sense human rights are as ancient as the civilization of man," and thus he affirms that Pandit Motilal Nehru and the other Indian patriots, who before 1947 in India "constantly endeavored to uphold the right of people to freedom, progress and prosperity," were emphasizing the principles of ancient Hindu scripture.5
Filipino Raúl Manglapus asserts that the substance, if not the form, of human rights is present in traditional society all throughout Asia. He objects to the comment by William Buckley, Jr., that "democracy" and "civic virtue" are "beyond comprehension by the Oriental mind," and counters by asserting:
This should be startling news to Indonesians, Malaysians, Urdu, Punjabi, and Persians who have used the Arabic word hagg, the Hindi and Bengali who have their adhikar and the Sanskrit svetve, the Thais their sitthi, the Koreans their kooahri, and the Filipinos their karapatan — all mean "rights."6
Manglapus notes that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights does not affirm the institutions Westerners often equate with human rights, such as parliaments or supreme courts, but rather allows for various cultural forms by simply setting forth "those political, social, and economic rights that contribute to the dignity of the individual person."7
Peter K. Y. Woo argues that the "issue of human rights becomes a problem only when it is present in our awareness as a privation."8 Then the struggle begins. However, the struggle for human rights clearly takes different forms within different cultures, even within the different cultures of Asia.
Chinese culture has traditionally been shaped by Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist views of life.
Within the formulation of the ideal of harmony and unity, the issue of human rights cannot obtain the status of an independent and genuine problem, because the relations among men are only a step toward a much higher goal of the harmony of all beings. Whatever grievance an individual person may have must be reconsidered in relation to the value of universal unity. Hence, conceptually, not only were the actual experiences of human relations ignored, but the issue of human rights never arose. For example, the ideal of righteousness was not regarded as the central idea to deal with human relations. The harmony and the consequent equality of men were to be arrived at through compassion and the mutual, conscious striving for harmony.9
In traditional Chinese society any attempt to conceive of persons as autonomous individuals has been repudiated.10
Woo identifies the demonstrations for political and economic self-determination on 4 May 1919 as "virtually the beginning of a consideration of the problem of human rights in China."11 These demonstrations reflected a new consciousness that was to produce a people's revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the establishment of a new form of government modeled after Western constitutional practices. Woo writes that the "Three Principles of the People" proclaimed by Sun Yat-sen became "the conceptual bridge between the ideals of universal harmony and the independence and freedom of the individual," and thus that
Early twentieth-century China was imbued with an enthusiasm for human rights, ranging from a concern with the nature of the family and its components of individual persons, and the status of women in society, to the balancing of the rights of individuals with the community as a whole. The efforts in dealing with these problems led necessarily to more reforms, most significantly, in education and in the consciousness of what it means to be a person.12
Before this century the Chinese had accepted government by privileged individuals. However, with this new consciousness they felt entitled to rights such as freedom of speech, of religion, of assembly, and choice of residence—all proclaimed in "The Three Principles of the People"—and to the forms of government necessary to guarantee them.
War and revolutionary struggle have resulted in a Chinese-controlled government on Taiwan, which espouses a liberal tradition of human rights, and in the People's Republic of China on the mainland, which asserts a socialist view. Mab Huang writes:
In the field of human rights traditional Chinese political culture and contemporary communist ideology reinforce each other in the denial of political and civil rights while they converge to promote the satisfaction of the basic needs of the people. They both emphasize the collective instead of the individual and duties instead of rights. Moreover they both stress the nurturing role of the state and the reciprocal relations between the state and individuals, giving an impetus toward egalitarianism and a concern for the social welfare of citizens.13
Mao Tse-tung asserted that the Chinese "cannot use 'the natural rights of man'. . . [but] can only use Western technology."14 He espoused the socialist view that:
Both democracy and freedom are relative, not absolute, and they come into being and develop in specific circumstances. . .. Our democratic centralism means the unity of democracy and centralism and the unity of freedom and discipline. Under this system, the people enjoy a wide measure of democracy and freedom, but at the same time they have to keep themselves within the bound [sic] of socialist discipline.15
The Communist victory in the late 1940s over the forces of Chiang Kai-shek, who claimed to be fighting for liberal democracy, was also in part a defeat for Sun Yat-sen's "Three Principles of the People."
However, during the 1970s there was a revival in China of interest in civil and political rights, as well as social and economic rights, which culminated in what has been described as the "fifth modernization." From November 1978 to March 1979 a democratic movement, centered in Beijing but engulfing cities throughout the nation, rallied peasants and workers as well as students until the government crushed the protest.
In the publications and wall posters that appeared during this period, the values of the West were prominent. Rousseau and Montesquieu were quoted, the American and French revolutions were lauded, the United States and Britain were used as models of nations that govern by elections, even a public letter to President Carter was authored. Traditional Chinese culture was often strongly criticized. "A Call to Arms" published by the Enlightenment Society is typical in its confessional claim that "The words 'human rights' cannot be found in China's history" and in its call for the victory of Western forms of mass "democracy and human rights."16
Occasionally, the demand for the rule of law and democracy was described as the rescue of the traditional teachings of Confucius — supporting "benevolent government" and asserting that "an oppressive government is worse than a tiger” — from autocratic government:
We must reject the dregs of Confucianism, that is, the fantasy that tyrants can ever be persuaded to practice benevolent government. But the essence of Confucianism, which we do want to keep, is the concept that people are born with equal rights.17
However, more commonly those advocating human rights spoke as "citizens of the world" representing "the free spirit of mankind."18
Marxist practices were attacked, but socialism was understood as essentially democratic:
socialism in its original sense should first insure equal rights for individuals in their livelihood. These rights can be realized only through free organization and coordination with democratic politics. Therefore, socialism is essentially inclined toward democracy.19
On 8 January 1979, several thousand farmers marched through the capital demanding freedom and food with banners that read: "We want human rights and democracy."20 Li Jiahua describes the "movement of socialist mass democracy," which began with the demonstrations of 4 April 1976 against the rule of the Gang of Four, as the culminating development of the protest movements of 4 May 1919: "If the May Fourth Movement is regarded as a banner to oppose imperialism and feudalism, then the April Fifth Movement can be called a movement against autocracy and dictatorship and for basic human rights and democracy in socialist China."21The human rights movement in China was being renewed and reformed.
The student and worker demonstrations in the spring of 1989 thus represent a resurgence of support for human rights which has often been repressed. Fang Lizhi, an astrophysicist and one of China's most outspoken dissidents, argues that recent reforms in China have both allowed people to appreciate human rights and revealed that human rights are necessary for reform to succeed. He writes: "improvement in the situation of human rights is an indispensable key to releasing China from its current predicament of stalled reform. The changes should begin with respect for freedom of thought and belief, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of assembly."22
The crackdown on students, workers, and other dissidents in China will not easily destroy the Chinese human rights movement. Chinese around the world have been galvanized into action. The government did destroy the goddess of democracy statue raised by the students in Tiannanmen Square in Beijing, but this statue has been resurrected by Chinese in other cities around the world. As one Chinese student leader in Beijing put it: "Our call for democracy has reached the living rooms of largely apolitical people. It has planted seeds of the ideas of freedom and democracy and human rights."23
While the recent protests in China stress civil and political rights, the Chinese ought not to be seen as simply asserting Western values. James Hsiung suggests that in East Asia human rights are understood in consensual rather than adversarial terms. The rights of individuals are not seen in opposition to the welfare of the community. He suggests that an analysis of East Asian societies is helpful in seeing that "while the idea of human rights is universally accepted, the exact meaning of these rights is culture-specific."24
One incident from the 1989 demonstrations in Beijing vividly illustrates this point. A photograph of a lone Chinese student stopping a column of tanks was widely publicized in the West. This act of courage might simply be seen to represent individual freedom over against collective society. However, Chinese-born CBS consultant Bette Bao Lord suggests that the Chinese see it differently: "The Chinese are not an individualistic people. When that young man went out there, he was taking his ancestors with him."25 For the Chinese, individual action is always an assertion of community values.
In words which remind us of other Asian affirmations, Hung-chao Tai writes: "To most people in the Third World, to justify human rights solely in terms of Western individualism is inconsistent with their cultural tradition."26
In Chinese culture human rights must be a matter of consensus, because of the Confucian culture which has shaped for centuries the life and understanding of the people. Yet, Chinese also affirm individual rights and the rule of law. Hung-chao Tai charges Chinese intellectuals with "the responsibility for achieving the convergence of the two political cultures" and suggests they "would honor both a Chinese tradition and exercise Western-inspired human rights if they could use their freedom of thought to advance an appropriate political theory sustaining human rights in Taiwan."27
The Japanese context is similar in many respects to that of the Chinese, for a consensual model of human rights has developed in a society traditionally shaped by Confucian and Buddhist values.28 Toishi Noboru writes that "originally, Japanese people were not familiar with the thought of human rights," but during the past several years "the thought of human rights is gradually penetrating into and fixing on the consciousness of Japanese people."29 Furthermore, Yasuhiko Saito notes that it took years of lobbying in Japan by human rights advocates and nongovernmental organizations to help form among the Japanese people "a consensus to enable the Diet's ratification" of the two international human rights covenants.30
A study of attitudes toward human rights in the Philippines reinforces the notion that Western forms of human rights are the result of recent history, but that human rights are universal claims that find expression to some extent in all cultural traditions. In 1977 the University of the Philippines Law Center and the Philippines Council for Policy Science sent a questionnaire to a variety of leaders in the Philippines, including lawyers, government officials, scholars, artists, business leaders, labor leaders, and political activists. Each person was asked to respond in a total of three thousand words to six questions.
The first question addressed the controversial issue of universality:
What do you understand by "human rights"? Do you believe that human rights are inherent in man or that they are granted by the State? What is your view on the subject?31
The second question focussed on the notion of tradition:
Is there a tradition of human rights in the Philippines? Some believe that the concept of human rights is essentially a Western importation; others believe that the notion of human rights runs through Philippine history. What is your own view on the matter?32
Almost all of the forty-eight respondents claim that human rights are inherent in humankind and are not merely granted by the state. In addition, almost all affirm that human rights are rooted in the traditions of the Filipino people.
Reynaldo S. Capule, a political leader in the Bulacan area, responded to the first question as follows:
Human rights are inherent or natural and are not granted by the state. Even at the beginning of history, people existed in a society where every member has equal rights, for example, equal rights in making use of the land, equal rights to the products of labor, equal rights in the protection of the security of the individual or of the society as a whole and other rights needed in order to live.33
However, he notes that "as society developed and the concept of the state evolved, there has been unequal enjoyment of inherent human rights," as is clear in Western societies where only those in power enjoy these rights.34
Romulo de Guzman, an agricultural leader, responded to the same question in this way:
First of all, human rights is [sic] the right to live free from hunger and fear, to enjoy the right to exercise one's free will, and the right to think according to one's own belief. It also means the right to involve one's self in an organization geared towards the development of the society of which he is part, and the right to participate in the formulation and implementation of measures to develop the politics, the economy and culture of the people.35
Furthermore, de Guzman suggests that when "the different sectors or classes emerged, the state which formally established the rights of man also appeared" and, as a result, "human rights became a responsibility of the state. . .."36
Political activist Filomena Tolentino stresses that "Human rights are conceived, recognized, developed and achieved in society" and include "the freedom to work, freedom from exploitation, freedom to live, and freedom to organize together, with the freedom to say and publish one's views and opinions."37 Human rights are thus "inherent in social life" and are "not awarded by anyone or any power, including the State. . .."38
In answer to the second question Adrian E. Cristobal, vice chairman of the Philippine Center for Advanced Studies and Chairman of the Social Security Commission, wrote:
There is definitely a tradition of human rights in the Philippines. The writings of patriots, scholars, jurists and literary men attest to this. But it should be noted that the consciousness of human rights emerged as a people's natural reaction to foreign domination.39
He acknowledges that there is a sense "in which the concept of human rights is a western notion, mainly of the question on the form of government which can best promote these rights under specific historical and social circumstances."40
Teresita Saldivar-Sali, professor of political science, suggests: "it is probably more accurate to say that there is a tradition of aspiration for rights in the Philippines, rather than a tradition of their actuality."41 Similarly, Manuel F. Bonifacio, professor of sociology, notes: "The struggle for human rights in the Philippines is, for the most part, a struggle against a colonial power."42 Yet, he affirms that "the recognition of human rights is a reality in the Philippine society," in that "our idea of human rights ties in very neatly with the idea of what is correct or appropriate or obligatory."43
It is recognized by many that certain forms of human rights are imports from the West, but that some of these are now a part of the Filipino value system. For instance, Alfredo Nem Singh of International Harvester wrote: "I earnestly believe that there is a tradition of human rights in the Philippines," but he also acknowledges "that Western influence especially American influence with its emphasis on the democratic way of life, had a big hand in making us realize the existence of these freedoms."44 Thus, he suggests "the blending of these two—the inherent Filipino ideals of human rights and the Western contributions—is very significant in our study of human rights."45
Finally, there is near consensus in answering the fourth question of the survey:
What is the relationship between human rights and development? One view is that economic and social development in the Third World requires that priority be given to economic, social and cultural rights over civil and political rights; another is that these two sets of rights are closely linked together and must support each other in order to ensure balanced national development. What are your views on the subject?46
Felicidad Espina, president of the Centro Excolar University Faculty Club, answered:
I believe these two sets of rights are closely linked together and must support each other in order to ensure balanced national development. The nation is as strong only as the citizens that comprise it. And the strength of each individual citizen is dependent not only on his social and economic well-being but on his civil and political well-being as well.47
Similarly, Judge Milagros A. German wrote: "Closely linked together, both rights must support each other to ensure the economic development of the country."48
In Asia, human rights are proclaimed as inherent truths that are commonly violated, but nonetheless are central both to the history and development of each society and to the general welfare of its members. Many, if not most Asians, would agree with Hiroko Yamane:
In almost all the countries of Asia, ageless beliefs, institutions and social practices structure the everyday life of the people beneath the thin layer of the legacy of colonialism which brought about, among other things, the modern and legalistic idea of human rights.49
These old traditions reflect universal values that affirm human dignity. Therefore, she and others support an approach to human rights education in Asia that emphasizes both commitment to the realization of fundamental human rights and the contribution of Asians in developing new forms of human rights.
1 Saneh Chamarik, "Some Thoughts on Human Rights Promotion and Protection," in Access to Justice: Human Rights Struggles in South East Asia, ed. Harry M. Scoble and Laurie S. Wiseberg (London: Zed Books, 1985), 9. Similarly, Shao-chuan Leng writes: "Human rights are not just a Western concern but have a universal validity, with contributions from all the major civilizations." Leng, "Human Rights in Chinese Political Culture," in The Moral Imperatives of Human Rights: A World Survey, ed. Kenneth W. Thompson (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1980), 81.
2 Ibid., 19.
3 Ibid., 16.
4 Francis Loh Kok Wah, "Human Rights in Malaysia: Reflections and Approaches," in Human Rights Activism in Asia: Some Perspectives, Problems and Approaches, ed. Asian Coalition of Human Rights Organizations (ACHRO) (New York: Council on International and Public Affairs in cooperation with the International Center for Law in Development, 1984), 46.
5 Nagendra Singh, Human Rights and the Future of Mankind (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1982), 1-2.
6 Raúl S. Manglapus, "Human Rights Are Not a Western Discovery," Worldview 21 (October 1978):4. He does not explain more precisely the meaning of these terms, nor respond to the obvious question of whether or not they are conceptually equivalent. For instance, Alasdair MacIntyre argues that the concept of "a right," used to refer to the notion of rights "which are obliged to belong to human beings as such," lacks "any means of expression in Hebrew, Greek, Latin or Arabic, classical or medieval, before about 1400, let alone in Old English or in Japanese even as late as the mid-nineteenth century." MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2nd edition, 1984), 68-69. He asserts: "From this it does not of course follow that there are no natural or human rights; it only follows that no one could have known there were." Ryosuke Inagaki notes that there was no word in Japanese for "right" until translators of Dutch books in the nineteenth century had to create a term. Ryosuke Inagaki, "Some Aspects of Human Rights in Japan," Philosophical Foundations of Human Rights (Paris: UNESCO, 1986), 191.
7 Ibid. He rejects the notion that the poor of Asia are uninterested in fundamental freedoms and human rights, and tells the story of an Indian farmer who, when asked if he was voting in the upcoming elections, replied: "Just because I am poor and maybe cannot read does not mean I do not care for human rights."
8 Peter K. Y. Woo, "A Metaphysical Approach to Human Rights from a Chinese Point of View," in The Philosophy of Human Rights: International Perspectives, ed. Alan S. Rosenbaum (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 113.
9 Ibid., 116. Roger T. Ames argues for the superiority of a society in which rights and duties are enforced by social pressures rather than legal punishments. Ames, "Rites as Rights: The Confucian Alternative," in Human Rights and the World's Religions, ed. Leroy S. Rouner (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), 199-216.
10 Shao-chuan Leng argues that traditional Chinese culture contains some democratic traits: "Taoism as a philosophy advocated naturalism and condemned government meddling. As popular religions, both Taoism and Buddhism were concerned with the fate or salvation of the individual and stood for spiritual autonomy and freedom. Even Confucianism, while stressing man's particular place in society, exalted the moral worth of the individual and the attainment of his full development through self-cultivation." Moreover, education was open to all who were able, regardless of class. Leng, "Human Rights in Chinese Political Culture," in The Moral Imperataives of Human Rights, 82.
11 Ibid., 117.
12 Ibid., 117-18.
13 Mab Huang, "Human Rights in a Revolutionary Society: The Case of the People's Republic of China," in Human Rights: Cultural and Ideological Perspectives, ed. Adamantia Pollis and Peter Schwab (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1979), 63.
14 Mao Tse-tung, speech at Hangchow, 21 December 1965. Quoted in Chairman Talks to the People, ed. Stuart Schram (New York: Pantheon, 1975), 234-35.
15 Mao Tse-tung, On Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People (Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1957). Quoted in John Lewis, Major Doctrines of Communist China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1964), 101-02.
16 The Fifth Modernization: China's Human Rights Movement, 1978-1979, ed. James D. Seymour (Stanfordville, N.Y.: Human Rights Publishing Group, 1980), 29. See Beijing Street Voices: The Poetry and Politics of China's Democracy Movement, ed. David S. G. Goodman (London: Marion Boyars, 1981). For a report on human rights in China today, see Seymour, "China," in International Handbook of Human Rights, ed. Jack Donnelly and Rhoda E. Howard (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987), 75-98.
17 Wei Jingsheng, "The Fifth Modernization," in The Fifth Modernization, 68. Hung-chao Tai similarly claims: "In contrast to the diverse origins of the Western concept of human rights, the origin of the Chinese concept of human rights is simple, deriving from the Confucian ethical code." Hung-chao Tai, "Human Rights in Taiwan: Convergence of Two Political Cultures," in Human Rights in East Asia, ed. James C. Hsiung (New York: Paragon House Publishers, 1985), 89.
18 James D. Seymour, The Fifth Modernization, 3 and 26.
19 Wei Jingsheng, "The Fifth Modernization," 62.
20 James D. Seymour, The Fifth Modernization, 19.
21 Ibid., 267. Shao-chuan Leng writes: "The political ferment in China today illustrates the existence of a universal yearning for human rights and the fallacy of the proposition that a society can trade off individual rights for economic development with impunity." Leng, "Human Rights in Chinese Political Culture," in The Moral Imperataives of Human Rights, 100. See also R. Randle Edwards, Louis Henkin, and Andrew J. Nathan, Human Rights in Contemporary China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986).
22 Fang Lizhi, "Human Rights and the New China," The Oakland Tribune, 17 April 1989, B-7. This article first appeared in the Los Angeles Times and was translated by Perry Link.
23 Quoted in "China's Dark Hours," Time, 19 June 1989, 14. Another Chinese student leader, Wu'er Kaixi, speaking in exile in San Francisco, told guests at a dinner to raise funds for the Front for a Democratic China: "I hope that all peace-loving people in the world will link our [sic] hands together because peace, freedom and human rights belong to the human race. . .." Quoted in William Wong, "China's Dissidents Resume the Mission," The Oakland Tribune, 11 August 1989, A-13.
24 James Hsiung, Human Rights in East Asia, vii. Henry Rosemont, Jr. argues that the notion of universal human rights is inconsistent with any concept of culture-specific rights. Thus he holds that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights reflects a Western orientation which is antithetical to the Confucian way of thinking and to other traditional cultures. Rosemont, "Why Take Rights Seriously? A Confucian Critique," in Human Rights and the World's Religions, 167.
25 Quoted in Bill Mann, "TV Makes Us Eyewitnesses to History," The Oakland Tribune, 6 June 1989, C-1. Joan Baez, human rights activist and folk singer, clearly understands this for in her song "China" she sings: "And Wang Wei Lin, you remember him/All alone he stood before the tanks/A shadow of forgotten ancestors in Tiananmen Square." Quoted in Jacqueline Cutler, "Remembering Tiananmen: Thousands in S.F. Rally for Democracy," The Oakland Tribune, 11 September 1989, A-8.
26 Hung-chao Tai, "Human Rights in Taiwan: Convergence of Two Political Cultures," in Human Rights in East Asia, 85. In his recent book, China Watch, John King Fairbank is critical of the use of Western human rights language to describe the struggles in China. While sympathetic to this concern, Franklin Woo suggests that Fairbank's analysis errs by emphasizing the unique, cultural characteristics of China. See "On Books," China Notes 25, nos. 2 and 3 (Spring and Summer 1987):441-42.
27 Ibid., 102. Fang Lizhi recently observed: "Two or three years ago, the phrase human rights was seldom heard in Chinese political discourse. Today everyone—not only supporters of human rights but also those who regard them as a headache—has to admit that the question of human rights has become an intrinsic part of Chinese political life." Fang Lizhi, "Human Rights and the New China," trans. Perry Link, The Oakland Tribune, 17 April 1989, B-7.
28 Ryosuke Inagaki asserts that although the original human rights documents were developed primarily by Western nations, "The ideas of basic human rights, with the underlying emphasis upon the dignity of the human person, expressed in this constitution , represent the substantial consensus of the Japanese people. The idea that the first and principal aim of government is to protect and promote the rights of people seems to have taken root in the thinking of people." Ryosuke Inagaki, "Some Aspects of Human Rights in Japan," in Philosophical Foundations of Human Rights, 182.
29 Noboru Toishi, "Recent Trends in Human Rights in Japan," in Recent Trends in Human Rights, ed. Lawasia Human Rights Standing Committee (Sydney: The Law Association for Asia and the Western Pacific, 1982?), 25. Christians in Japan have led the way in this regard. For example, since it was founded in 1953, the International Christian University in Tokyo has required all entering students to sign a Human Rights Pledge based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. "Japanese Students Sign Human Rights Pledge," Breakthrough 10, nos. 2-3 (Winter/Spring 1989):81.
30 Yasuhiko Saito, "Japan and Human Rights Covenants," Human Rights Law Journal 2, nos. 1-2 (1981):106. Yuji Iwasawa argues that ratification of the international human rights covenants has begun to change Japanese law. See "Legal Treatment of Koreans in Japan: The Impact of International Human Rights Law on Japanese Law," Human Rights Quarterly 8, no. 2 (May 1986):131-79.
31 Purificacion Valera-Quisumbing and Armando F. Bonifacio, ed. Human Rights in the Philippines: An Unassembled Symposium (Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Law Center, 1977), ix.
33 Ibid., 210.
35 Ibid., 214.
37 Ibid., 229.
39 Ibid., 53.
41 Ibid., 76.
42 Ibid., 52.
44 Ibid., 72.
46 Ibid., ix.
47 Ibid., 131.
48 Ibid., 133.
49 Hiroko Yamane, "Development of Human Rights Teaching and Research in Asia," in Frontiers of Human Rights Education, ed. Asbjørn Eide and Marek Thee (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 45. See also Yamane, "Human Rights for the Peoples of Asia," in Human Rights Teaching 3 (Paris: UNESCO, 1982), 18-22.
From Faith in Human Rights: Support in Religious Traditions for a Global Struggle (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1991).