François Refoulé writes that Pope Paul VI wanted to make the Universal Declaration of Human Rights "the corner-stone of all his work."1 For Paul VI, the Universal Declaration was "the path that must not be abandoned if mankind today sincerely wants to consolidate peace"; and he never lost an opportunity to express his "complete moral support for the common ideal contained in the Universal Declaration."2
In this chapter I will show that religious leaders have not only accepted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the cornerstone of the human rights movement, but were active in cutting and laying the stone in place. First, I will review the history of involvement by religious leaders in the development of the Universal Declaration. Then I will survey support in religious literature for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Laying the Cornerstone
Philip Potter writes that the Protestant effort on behalf of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights began as early as 1943, when the Federal Council of Churches and the Foreign Missions Conference (which later merged to become the National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A.) established a Joint Committee on Religious Liberty, with O. Frederick Nolde as its executive secretary.3 The following year a statement on religious liberty was sent to the president of the United States and his secretary of state, all members of Congress, fifty-three heads of diplomatic missions, and the leaders of thirty-five churches abroad.
In 1945 three memoranda prepared by the Joint Committee on Religious Liberty were among those considered by the Conference on International Organization at San Francisco. The first related religious liberty to Roosevelt's Four Freedoms, which Nolde describes as a "corner-stone" for human rights.4 The second emphasized the relationship between religious liberty and civil rights. The third urged that
if the Dumbarton Oaks proposal to create an economic and social council under the general assembly admits of prompt realization . . . our government take immediate steps to the end that this council give consideration to human rights and fundamental freedoms; and further, in order to permit such forthright action as world conditions demand and as agreement among the nations will permit, that a specialized agency under this council . . . be established with responsibility in the area of human rights and fundamental freedoms.5
Additional support for this proposal came from the International Round Table at Princeton in July 1943, involving sixty-one Christian leaders from twelve countries in North America, Europe, and Asia and from Australia and New Zealand; support also came from the second National Study Conference on the Churches and a Just and Durable Peace, which met in January 1945 and recommended, as an amendment to the Dumbarton Proposals, that "A special commission on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms should be established."6
The Federal Council of Churches assigned Nolde the responsibility of pressing human rights concerns at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. On May 2nd, after it had become obvious "that prompt and virtually drastic action was needed if substantial provisions for human rights were to be inserted in the Charter," Nolde led a delegation of nongovernmental representatives to a meeting with U.S. secretary of state Stettinius.7 The secretary of state indicated there was little chance of securing additional human rights provisions in the Charter, but Nolde made a strong statement urging reconsideration. The representative of the American Jewish Committee, Judge Proskauer, also firmly supported the human rights additions.8
The effect of this intervention was summarized in an article in the Philadelphia Inquirer on 4 May 1945:
The rights of individuals, as well as the rights of nations, will be incorporated in the San Francisco Charter it was learned today, largely as the result of the efforts of a Philadelphia clergyman [Nolde, who was a professor in the Lutheran Theological Seminary there]. . .. The "revolt" from the "little people," who had previously been complaining that they were completely out of touch with the American delegation and were not being consulted although they are consultants, reportedly made a great impression on Mr. Stettinius.9
This report is confirmed by Edward Duff, who claims the private papers of Senator Vandenberg support Nolde's assertion that "an international Christian influence played a determining part in achieving the more extensive provisions for human rights and fundamental freedoms which ultimately found their way into the Charter."10
In 1946 the Academy of Political and Social Science devoted its January issue of The Annals to the question of "Essential Human Rights." Of the twenty-five contributors, Nolde was asked to write the final article on "Possible Functions of the Commission of Human Rights." Nolde argued that the first task of the commission was to develop "an international declaration or bill of rights."11 Copies of this issue of The Annals were flown to London and made available to the members of the Economic and Social Council as they deliberated on the Commission on Human Rights, and early in the first session of the General Assembly copies were given to all delegations. Nolde later noted: "A very substantial similarity exists between the terms of reference as finally adopted and the proposals contained in the January 1946 issue of The Annals."12
The Commission of the Churches on International Affairs (CCIA) was established in 1946 as a joint agency of the World Council of Churches (which was in the process of forming) and the International Missionary Council. Nolde became its first director, while continuing to serve as the executive secretary of the Joint Committee on Religious Liberty. Throughout 1946 and 1947, Nolde led the work of both groups in lobbying for clearer language with respect to "freedom of religion" in the peace treaties with Germany and Italy.13
The CCIA was early granted consultative status with the Economic and Social Council, and thus churches in the ecumenical movement increasingly channeled their communications on UN matters through the CCIA. Archive materials reveal how extensively the CCIA was involved with the UN Commission on Human Rights, with governmental representatives, and with church leaders concerned that an international declaration of human rights include freedom of religion.14
During the drafting of the Universal Declaration the CCIA worked hard to be certain
that the preamble should reflect a basic approach to the observance of human rights which was acceptable from the Christian standpoint, even though it did not contend that a Christian position had to be enunciated therein. . .. As the drafting of the Universal Declaration progressed, the CCIA unflaggingly emphasized the principle that governments could not grant human rights, but could only recognize the human rights which man, by virtue of his being and destiny, already possessed.15
In a paper prepared for the Amsterdam Assembly of 1948, Nolde argued that there was an "immediate and urgent need for the development of the Christian view on human rights in terms which will apply to all men and which can be used in representations to national and international political authorities."16 This position of the CCIA was "formalized later in relation to the covenants."17
In a statement prepared by Nolde for the CCIA, the omission of any reference to God in the Universal Declaration was acknowledged as a concern for many Christians. However, the statement continues, as "it is the distinct task of the churches to bring men to faith and to a profession of that faith," Christians "cannot expect the United Nations to accomplish by legal fiat that which must be the expression of a prevailing conviction."18 Furthermore, "In interpreting the Declaration, the Christian has an obligation to contend that such rights as man claims in society derive from the Christian view of man's nature and destiny, by virtue of his creation, redemption, and calling."19
Seán MacBride, human rights leader and Nobel and Lenin Peace Laureate, notes that during this same period Monsignor Roncalli, who subsequently became Pope John XXIII, "played an important part in the formulation of the draft Universal Declaration of Human Rights," for as the Papal Nuncio in Paris he participated with René Cassin in the deliberations of the French delegation.20 In addition, numerous Jewish groups promoted the idea of an international declaration of human rights.21
For Eleanor Roosevelt, who chaired the UN Commission on Human Rights that drafted the Universal Declaration, the document was a "moral and spiritual" milestone for the world reflecting, if indirectly, "the true spirit of Christianity."22 Some Christians, however, were far less enthusiastic. A front-page editorial in the Vatican newspaper, L'Osservatore Romano, initialed by Count Giuseppe dalle Torre, the editorial director, declared:
The new ethical-juridical edifice in which the man of the United Nations era is to find the security of a fortress, bears on its threshold the ancient warning: If God be not the builder of the house, its building will be in vain.23
Given this resistance, and the historic distrust by the Roman Catholic Church of secular declarations of rights, it is remarkable that the Universal Declaration is affirmed in Pacem in Terris and also that it was John XXIII's clear wish that "the precise and juridical character" of the Declaration be supported "on the level of justice and legislation and not only on that of humanitarian assistance."24
As is evident from the preceding chapters, the Universal Declaration is affirmed by numerous religious leaders. In 1968 the YMCA published a book "to secure through group action solid implementation of the principles of the Universal Declaration.”25 In 1971 the Roman Catholic Synod of Bishops added the weight of the episcopal college to that of the pope: "Let the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights be ratified by all Governments who have not yet adhered to it, and let it be fully observed by all."26 Methodist José Míguez Bonino writes:
the drive toward universality implicit in our Christian faith, which found partial expression in the quest of the American and French revolutions, the aspirations expressed in the UN Declaration, finds its historical focus today for us in the struggle of the poor, the economically and socially oppressed, for their liberation. At this point the biblical teaching and the historical junction coalesce to give the Christian churches a mission.27
Presbyterian Robert Smylie asserts that "the Universal Declaration is not only a profoundly religious document worthy of support, but a discerning spiritual challenge to Christians and the Church."28 Similarly, Muslim Riffat Hassan describes as "truly remarkable" the passage of the Universal Declaration by the United Nations and suggests that though it is "secular" in terminology it is more "religious" in essence than many "fatwas" given by Islamic authorities.29
Frequently, conferences will reaffirm the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The members of the International Consultation on Human Rights, sponsored by the Irish School of Ecumenics, urged in their final statement that Christian organizations at all levels "reaffirm their support for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights."30 In 1978 representatives of churches participating in the International Symposium on "The Dignity of Man: His Rights and Obligations in Today's World" joined in "Carta de Santiago" (Charter of Santiago), which declared that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights still stands as "a common ideal toward which all peoples and nations should strive," for it "proclaims the fundamental concepts of the human being and of society, capable of being shared by those of all races, creeds and convictions."31
The International Association for Religious Freedom has urged governments to support the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by ratifying international human rights covenants.32 And in the 1979 "The Princeton Declaration" of the World Conference on Religion and Peace, the participants stated:
Adhering to different religions, we may differ in our objects of faith and worship. Nevertheless, in the way we practice our faith, we all confess that the God or the truth in which we believe transcends the powers and divisions of this world. . .. We are all commanded by our faiths to seek justice in the world in a community of free and equal persons. . .. We reaffirm our commitment . . . to the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, and we deplore the denial of human rights to any individual or community.33
In 1985 the Conference on Religious Liberty and Human Rights, which included Buddhist, Hindu, Islamic, Christian and Jewish scholars, urged in its final statement that all governments disseminate in their national languages the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as other pertinent UN declarations and covenants on promoting religious liberty.34
On behalf of the Agudas Israel World Organization, Isaac Lewin made numerous references to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the struggle to resist anti-Semitism and other forms of religious tolerance.35 Moreover, Shimon Shetreet reports that "in dealing with questions of religious freedom, as well as other human rights, the Israeli courts have also resorted to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Political and Civil Rights."36
In 1975 Methodist pastors in Bolivia "formed an internal human rights committee for Bible study" and the next year the Permanent Assembly on Human Rights was organized, representing Roman Catholic and Lutheran as well as Methodist leaders, "for the purpose of enforcing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights."37 Similarly, in a "Declaration on Human Rights and Social Justice," the Associated Members of the Episcopal Conferences of Eastern Africa in 1970 affirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a basis for the right of parents to choose the education for their children and the right of free expression and association.38
In Taiwan the General Assembly Executive Committee of the Presbyterian Church issued a declaration in 1977 affirming: "Our church confesses that Jesus Christ is Lord of all mankind and believes that human rights and a land in which each one of us has a stake are gifts bestowed by God."39 The statement concludes: "As we face the possibility of an invasion by Communist China we hold firmly to our faith and to the principles underlying the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights."40
On the thirty-sixth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1984, the first Asian regional human rights mechanism was convened in Japan. The "Asian Human Rights Commission" appointed Clement John, secretary for international affairs of the Christian Conference of Asia, as Secretary General of the Commission.41 In 1987, speaking at a public rally in Japan protesting the fingerprinting of Koreans, Clement John asserted: "For Christians, protection and safeguarding of human rights is a matter of faith. Our involvement in the struggle of the marginalized groups is an affirmation of our faith in the crucified Jesus. . .."42
Asian writers, who are not Christians, also affirm the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. For instance, Indian Fali Narman argues that there "are no Eastern and Western Human Rights," but "only Universal Human Rights declared by the U.N. in 1948 and accepted and adopted by all its members—both in the East and West."43 He asserts that the "true essence of the idea of human rights as embodied in the Universal Declaration is the concept which gives priority to the recognition and protection of the fundamental rights of the individual."44 Moreover, he suggests that this notion of inalienable human rights, which protect the individual against the ruler or in a democracy even against the will of the majority, is established in the "great American and French texts (of 1776 and of 1779 and 1791) which heralded modern democracy. . .."45
Provisions of the Universal Declaration have been incorporated into the constitutions of many Asian countries.46 Obviously, however, constitutional government in Asia is weak. In addition to limitations on human rights provisions in the constitutions, there is no history of true constitutional government in many Asian countries. For example, the dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Malaya, Azmi Khalid, writes:
The nation and society of Malaysia have sworn to uphold belief in the supremacy of the Constitution as well as the rule of law as both are enshrined in the Principles of the Nation. If we desire that the principles of nationhood be realized, then the legal system must emphasize not just the letter of the Malaysian Constitution but also a spirit of constitutionalism showing love of freedom, justice, and truth.47
Perhaps because there is no indigenous tradition of respect for the law of a state, Asians frequently turn to international conventions and standards as statements of "higher law."
This is evident in a paper on human rights entitled "Declaration of the Basic Duties of ASEAN Peoples and Governments," issued in 1983 by the Regional Council on Human Rights in Asia, a nongovernmental organization of jurists from ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) nations.48 After deploring the violations of human rights throughout Asia, the Council urged protection of the rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international human rights covenants, and all other international instruments. It based its position on three principles:
1. Human rights are not merely ideals or aspirations. They are claims that inhere in all persons and all peoples by virtue of their human dignity, claims that all other persons, peoples and government have the duty to honor. The concept of human rights is universal and dynamic. It is not the exclusive property of any one people, place, or region of the world. Its content enlarges as the needs of human beings and communities expand. But at its core is always the deep recognition of the inalienable human dignity inherent in every man, woman and child.
2. Every person and every people have the right to self-directed development. The primary goal of development must be both to wipe out poverty . . . and to provide an improving quality of life in all its aspects, material and spiritual, for all the people. Consequently, authentic development cannot be attained without respect for basic individual and collective human rights.
3. Human rights are violated not only by unjust acts but also by unjust national and international structures. To work for human rights then is not only to combat instances of injustice, it is also to seek to change structures that exploit not merely individuals and peoples but nature itself. One such structure is authoritarian government that denies the right of peoples to participate in making decisions that affect their life and the future of their children.49
As a summary of the Asian perspective on human rights, this statement of principles illustrates the synthesis of traditions occurring throughout the Third World.
The Universal Declaration is even the subject of commentaries by scholars in different religious traditions, a surprising fact, as a "commentary" is more traditionally the form used for discussing religious texts. Sultanhussein Tabandeh of Gunabad, Iran wrote A Muslim Commentary on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And Israeli legal scholar Haim H. Cohn in Human Rights in Jewish Law has provided a commentary on the Universal Declaration from the Jewish perspective.
I am not aware of a comparable commentary on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the Christian tradition, although Protestants and Catholics have written at length about human rights.50 For instance, in The Ten Commandments and Human Rights Christian theologian Walter Harrelson argues, much like Cohn, that human rights can be derived from biblical duties:
In that sense, the Bible has much to say about human rights. It is possible to see in the basic understandings of human rights, reflected in, for example, the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a large measure of the biblical understanding of human obligation under God.51
Harrelson goes on to argue for the development of a contemporary Decalogue to "contribute to the refashioning of a communallife under God in the world."52
He suggests that in our modern secular world the basis for such a Decalogue can be drawn from Jewish and Christian understandings of the Bible. "The way is open to such an understanding. It would be analogous to the Bill of Rights in the United States Constitution. That list of amendments has very much the form and the force of Israel's Decalogue."53 To meet the needs of our time he suggests the following set of commands:
1. Do not have more than a single ultimate allegiance.
2. Do not give ultimate loyalty to any earthly reality.
3. Do not use the power of religion to harm others.
4. Do not treat with contempt the times set aside for rest.
5. Do not treat with contempt members of the family.
6. Do not do violence against fellow human beings.
7. Do not violate the commitment of sexual love.
8. Do not claim the life or goods of others.
9. Do not damage others through misuse of human speech.
10. Do not lust after the life or goods of others.54
He concludes by affirming that such a list can be supplemented by modern human rights statements:
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights . . . with its supplemental compacts and accords, offers a marvelous set of guidelines for the fulfilling of our commitment to fellow human beings in community. So also do the many summary statements concerning human rights and responsibilities that have been developed by the Christian churches, some of them in direct dependence upon the Decalogue.55
Therefore, he believes the time is right "for the Christian community to reaffirm its commitment to such summary lists and to their restatement, study, and regular re-presentation within the churches."56
However, Christians agree that the language of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not the same as the language of Scripture:
Despite the religious bases for universal moral community in each of the traditions, the language of human rights in the Universal Declaration is not the language of the Hebrew Bible, the Christian scriptures or the Muslim Qur'an. It is not the language that any of the three holy books uses to speak of the universal moral community of all persons.57
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a summary statement that reflects the deepest aspirations of the peoples of the world. It is not the creed of a new world religion, but it is an affirmation of faith that has gained the support of many within the various religious traditions of the world.
Additional evidence might be offered, but the point is made. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the cornerstone for efforts all over the world by religious as well as secular leaders to build a system of law so that the moral imperatives of human rights will be promoted, respected and enforced. It was created as much by religious as by secular leadership, it is understood within various religious traditions as reflecting the values of sacred texts and authoritative teachings, and it is defended and proclaimed by men and women of faith as the foundation for justice and peace in our time.
From Faith in Human Rights: Support in Religious Traditions for a Global Struggle (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1991).
1 François Refoulé, "Efforts made on behalf of the Supreme Authority of the Church," in The Church and the Rights of Man, ed. Alois Müller and Norbert Greinacher (New York: The Seabury Press, 1979), 78.
3 Philip Potter, "Religious Liberty—A Global View," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 14, no. 4 (Fall 1977):125 .
4 O. Frederick Nolde, Free and Equal: Human Rights in Ecumenical Perspective (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1968), 18.
5 Ibid., 20.
7 Ibid., 22.
8 See Joseph M. Proskauer, A Segment of My Times (New York: Farrar, Straus and Company, 1950).
9 Archives of the Commission of the Churches on International Affairs, "Human Rights Varia 1945-1968," 428.3.25, World Council of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland.
10 Edward Duff, S.J., The Social Thought of the World Council of Churches (New York: Association Press, 1980), 276-77. Quoted in O. Frederick Nolde, Free and Equal, 25.
11 Ibid., 28.
12 Ibid., 29.
13 Ibid., 33.
14 See CCIA Archives, "Human Rights" and "UN International Bill of Human Rights, 1947-1948," 428.3.24, World Council of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland. In addition to those in the United States and Europe, the CCIA corresponded with church leaders from the Methodist Mission in Portuguese East Africa and the Methodist Overseas Mission in Fiji, Pyramid House in Cairo, the Christian Council of Kenya, and groups in the Union of South Africa, Australia, China, India, Iraq, Lebanon, and New Zealand.
15 O. Frederick Nolde, Free and Equal, 38. Representatives of other religious traditions presented similar arguments. In 1947 the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha'is of the United States submitted "A Baha'i Declaration of Human Obligations and Rights." Mary Ellen Togtman-Wood, "Prerequisites to Human Rights: A Baha'i Perspective," Breakthrough 10, nos. 2-3 (Winter/Spring 1989):41-42.
16 Quoted in Man's Disorder and God's Design, 4, 148 in The Amsterdam Assembly series, 5 vols., ed. W. A. Visser 't Hooft (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949), and in Paul Bock, In Search of a Responsible World Society: The Social Teachings of the World Council of Churches (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1974), 66.
17 O. Frederick Nolde, Free and Equal, 38.
18 O. Frederick Nolde, "The United Nations Acts for Human Rights," release by the American Committee for the World Council of Churches, in the Michigan Christian Advocate, 30 December 1948, CCIA Archives, "UN International Bill of Human Rights, 1947-1948," 428.3.24, World Council of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland.
20 Seán MacBride, "The Universal Declaration—Thirty Years After," in Understanding Human Rights: An Interdisciplinary and Interfaith Study, ed. Alan D. Falconer (Dublin: Irish School of Ecumenics, 1980), 9. See Philippe de le Chapelle, La Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l'Homme et le Catholicisme (Paris: Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1967).
21 Rita Hauser, "The Dream and Its Deceptions," in Essays on Human Rights: Contemporary Rights and Jewish Perspectives, ed. David Sidorsky (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979), 22.
22 "Human Rights Bill is Voted by United Nations Committee," subtitled "Mrs. Roosevelt Acclaims It as 'Moral and Spiritual' Milestone for the World," New York Herald Tribune, 7 December 1948, CCIA Archives, "Human Rights Varia 1945-1968", 428.3.25, World Council of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland. Max L. Stackhouse describes the drafting of the Universal Declaration as the "political appropriation of human rights as a creed" and asserts: "Not since the pre-Reformation councils had such an assemblage of national representatives attempted to define what is universally valid as a creed for all." Stackhouse, Creeds, Society, and Human Rights: A Study in Three Cultures(Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1984), 104. For a brief summary of the development of the Universal Declaration see Peter Mayer, "How the International Bill of Rights Was Born," Breakthrough10, nos. 2-3 (Winter/Spring 1989):16-17, excerpted from The International Bill of Human Rights (Glen Ellen, Calif.: Entwhistle Books, 1981).
23 "Vatican Hits U. N. Group," subtitled "Assails Omission of God's Name in Human Rights Draft," 31 October 1948. CCIA Archives, "Human Rights Varia 1945-1965," 428.3.25, World Council of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland.
24 "Reflections by Cardinal Maurice Roy on the Occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of the Encyclical 'Pacem in Terris' of Pope John XXIII (11 April 1973)," in The Gospel of Peace and Justice: Catholic Social Teaching since Pope John, ed. Joseph Gremillion (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1976), 540.
25 Stanley I. Stuber, Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in Your Community (New York: National Board of Young Men's Christian Associations, 1968), 5.
26 Justice in the World, no. 64, in The Gospel of Peace and Justice, 88. In Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, John Paul II acknowledges the positive influence of the Universal Declaration in promoting respect for human rights. "Encyclical Letter of the Supreme Pontiff John Paul II: Sollicitudo Rei Socialis," L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 29 February 1988, 6.
27 José Míguez Bonino, "Religious Commitment and Human Rights: A Christian Perspective," in Understanding Human Rights, 32.
28 Robert F. Smylie, "Christianity and Human Rights: A View from the United States," Breakthrough 10, nos. 2-3 (Winter/Spring 1989):37. He goes on to claim that the Universal Declaration "should make us realize that every violation of human rights that persists, be it civil, political, economic or social, is a violation of the right of the Creator to the Creation, and a violation of his Son, the Redeemer, who is identified with and in all, and whose love encompasses all."
29 Riffat Hassan, "On Human Rights and the Qur'anic Perspective," in Human Rights in Religious Traditions, ed. Arlene Swidler (New York: The Pilgrim Press, 1982), 53. Munzer Anabtawi asserted on 21 July 1987 at the International Institute of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France that the "Draft Charter on Human and People's Rights in the Arab World" drew upon the "common standards" of the Universal Declaration as well as the international human rights covenants. Notes of author.
30 In Understanding Human Rights, 237.
31 "Carta de Santiago" (Charter of Santiago), 25 November 1978, in Human Rights: A Challenge to Theology (Rome: CCIA and IDOC International, 1983), 59. See John F. Dearden, "The Modern Quest for Human Rights," in Human Rights and the Liberation of Man in the Americas, ed. Louis M. Colonnese (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1970), 3-12.
32 IARF World, no. 2 (1989):12.
33 "The Princeton Declaration," 3rd assembly of the World Conference on Religion and Peace, Church and Society 71 (November/December 1980-January/February 1981):37-39.
34 In Religious Liberty and Human Rights in Nations and in Religions, ed. Leonard Swidler (Philadelphia: Ecumenical Press, Temple University, 1986), 246.
35 Isaac Lewin, Ten Years of Hope: Addresses before the United Nations (New York: Shengold Publishers, 1971).
36 Shimon Shetreet, "Freedom of Conscience and Religion in Israel," in Essays on Human Rights: Contemporary Rights and Jewish Perspectives, ed. David Sidorsky (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979), 180.
37 "The Gospel and the Aymara People," in Human Rights: A Challenge to Theology, 84. As noted earlier, the Salvation Army affirms the Universal Declaration. See Human Rights and the Salvation Army (London: The Campfield Press, 1968), 23.
38 "Declaration on Human Rights and Social Justice," in Exchange, Bulletin of Third World Christian Literature 12, no. 45 (December 1986):39-40.
39 "A Declaration of Human Rights by the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan," in Asian Christian Theology: Emerging Themes, ed. Douglas J. Elwood (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1980), 330.
40 Ibid., 331.
41 Masahiko Kurata, executive secretary of the National Christian Council of Japan's Center for Christian Response to Asian Issues, "Asian Perspective—Human Rights—a Western Standard?" Asia Lutheran News 3 (May-June 1985):11.
42 "Human Rights: Their Basis and Their Protection," CCA News 22, no. 2 (15 February 1987):4.
43 Fali S. Narman, "Human Rights in India—Recent Trends," in Recent Trends in Human Rights, ed. Lawasia Human Rights Standing Committee (Sydney: Law Association for Asia and the Western Pacific, 1981?), 1. He argues that even poor Indians support universal values and relates a story told by Mother Teresa of a destitute woman in Calcutta who, though without food for her family for three days, shared the meager ration given to her with other families in need. If, as Mother Teresa asserts, the right to live is the most fundamental of all human rights, the poor are concerned with the protection of this right not only for themselves but also for others.
45 Fali S. Narman, "Protecting the Rights of Minorities in Society," in Studie-en Informatiecentrum Mensenrechten Special 5 (Netherlands Institute of Human Rights, February 1985), 43. See Seminar on National, Local and Regional Arrangements for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in the Asian Region (New York: UN, 1982).
46 See H. J. C. Princen, "Access to Justice," in Access to Justice: Human Struggles in South East Asia, ed. Harry M. Scoble and Laurie S. Wiseberg (London: Zed Books, 1985), 80 and 81; Asmi Khalid, "Law and the Decline of Freedom in Malaysia," in Access to Justice, 97; Participatory Research and Organization of Communities through Educational and Self-Help Services, Inc. (PROCES), "Human Rights Activism in Relation to Landless Rural Workers in the Philippines," in Human Rights Activism in Asia: Some Perspectives, Problems, and Approaches (New York: Council on International and Public Affairs, June 1984), 37 and 41; and Rajesware Kanniah, "Perceptions of Human Rights Activism," in Human Rights Activism in Asia, 48.
47 Azmi Khalid, "Law and the Decline of Freedom in Malaysia," in Access to Justice, 92.
48 Indonesia, Malayasia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Brunei Darassalem are represented in ASEAN. See "Declaration of the Basic Duties of ASEAN Peoples and Governments," in Human Rights Sourcebook, ed. Albert P. Blaustein, Roger S. Clark, Jay S. Sigler (N.Y.: Paragon House Publishers, 1987), 646-57.
49 Scoble and Wiseberg, Access to Justice, 206-07.
50 Dom Helder Camara comments on several articles of the Universal Declaration in "Human Rights and the Liberation of Man in the Americas: Reflections and Responses," in Human Rights and the Liberation of Man in the Americas, 259-268.
51 Walter Harrelson, The Ten Commandments and Human Rights (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980), xv.
52 Ibid., 190.
54 Ibid., 192.
55 Ibid., 192-193. Erich Weingärtner suggests that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a modern "Ten Commandments" in that it is "an easily understood standard of conduct whose respect alone already constituted in large part its fulfillment." Weingärtner, Human Rights on the Ecumenical Agenda: Report and Assessment (Geneva: CCIA, World Council of Churches, 1983), 10.
56 Ibid., 193. Ibid., 193.
57 David Hollenbach, Justice, Peace, and Human Rights: American Catholic Social Ethics in a Pluralistic Context (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1988), 113.